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This happening in business is understandable since business interests are legally inherited — but what about entertainment and politics where new entrants need public acceptance? There does not appear to be significant competition between jatis to move up the hierarchical ladder. Competition between the jatis to ascend to higher positions might have destabilised them but they remain stable By and large jatis demand loyalty from their members and this loyalty may be coming to the fore in elections It stands to reason that when a leader is from a jati constituting a larger section of the population she/he stands a better chance — because of electoral arithmetic — to become a political leader of an entire territory in which there are different jatis This explains the strength of leaders like Lalu in Bihar and Siddaramaiah (from the kuruba or shepherd jati) in Karnataka who lead populous communities That jati is local is suggested by Lalu having no influence among yadavs in Uttar Pradesh One may also suppose that in jati categories more widely urbanised (like some Brahmin groups) jati affinities have weakened because of the breakup of communities and they are atomised as voters Since each jati is traditionally based on a hereditary occupation in a specific territory and located horizontally within vertical caste structure one would assume that its leadership will owe — in some part — to hereditary hierarchy which explains the ease with which children are installed as political heirs The fearsome power of the khap panchayats (like their doings in inter-caste marriages) may also owe to hereditary power exercised within the jati; it is significant that their much publicised brutality usually revolves around violations of jati protocol What has been said hitherto is very broad and hardly accounts for why Amitabh Bachchan’s son Abhishek should enjoy a natural advantage in Bollywood since the family is not traditionally from showbiz or film But if one proposes that jati is not airtight but allows infiltration over periods of time when outsiders mingle and engage in the same kind of life as that of the jati it could accommodate the phenomenon This leads us to the next question which is how without the assistance of a jati identity the Nehru family became the dynasty to rule India for decades This may be one of the most difficult of political questions to answer — especially since branches of the family not in power have enjoyed few privileges It is evidently not ‘Nehru blood’ that gives Rahul Gandhi the boldness to stake his claim upon the ‘Delhi throne’ Left-wing social theorists like to look upon the political process in India as proceeding through mass mobilisation but what is more likely is that political patronage has generally been the name of the game The difference is that mass mobilisation is based on a political programme/ advance agenda and is a process that engages and motivates a wide range of partners and allies concurrently at national and local levels to raise awareness of and demand for a particular developmental objective through dialogue Political patronage is the way votes are otherwise garnered in the absence of a spectacular political/economic agenda; groups are mobilised locally through benefits (like reservation) or promises and stitched together nationally One supposes that Indira Gandhi’s electoral victory in 1971 as well as Narendra Modi’s in 2014 owed to successful mass mobilisation when routine expectations from the elections were belied because of a visible/audible agenda (‘garibi hatao’ and ‘development’ respectively) that excited the public The vote share may have gone up only by a few percentage points each time but that made a difference ‘Ideology’ (Hindutva secularism) does not assist in mass mobilisation and appears mainly a banner by which to knit coalitions of parties with independent constituencies constructed through patronage Patronage backed by money power one might propose creates long-lasting structures/networks which can be compared to a FMCG manufacturer’s distributor/retailer network which need to be maintained and kept alive Whoever controls the party controls the network which though intangible may be taken to represent its most valuable political asset The falling vote shares suggest that the network is weakening across India Coming now to Rahul Gandhi’s claims upon power we may propose that it is not the Nehru family but the Congress Party which has a steady following that prompts it The Congress had a virtually unchallenged reign for over 20 years despite the ignominy of the Sino-Indian War of 1962 and whatever opposition there was developed within the party — which had its own right and left wings The party might never have remained with the family if the ‘Syndicate’ (Kamaraj Nijalingappa etc) had not installed Indira Gandhi as Prime Minister in 1967 judging her to be pliable There is no evidence that Nehru wanted to perpetuate a dynasty After Indira Gandhi’s resounding victory in 1971 she continued to run the Congress as an ideological coalition in which groups (like the Young Turks) were allowed but only until she perceived a threat to her personal position — when she systematically began to destroy the party by undermining inner-party democracy making it a ‘proprietorship’ to be passed on and this ‘family business’ is what Rahul Gandhi has inherited The leadership of the party being unquestioned and family-based has become one of its stable attributes for its constituency and this together with its ‘patronage network’ is what guarantees the party a certain proportion of the votes regardless of the political circumstances of the period It is this guaranteed vote base owing to the stable patronage networks that translates into Rahul Gandhi’s perceived ‘charisma’ and the ‘public love’ that he is said to be recipient of One may be sure that if the party decentralises and the family throws its weight behind local leaders in each state the party’s fortunes will improve through strengthening of local structures — including the patronage networks — but that would also weaken the family’s hold upon the party by empowering potential rivals and the party is the family’s principal asset Replacing Rahul with Priyanka Gandhi is neither likely to affect this scenario nor improve the party’s vote base This situation it would seem is quite different from the publicly acknowledged right of a hereditary monarch to rule MK Raghavendra is a film scholar and author of seven books including The Oxford India Short Introduction to Bollywood (2016) He is deeply interested in social political and cultural issues in India an interest that informs his books on film There have been cases where waiters at restaurants are given a commission to swipe the debit card given by a customer through the skimming machine once in addition to the point of sale machine. thankfully, 2017 5:52 pm Nitesh Tiwari is seeing the success of his movie Dangal after releasing it in China Top News Nitesh Tiwari, 7 MNS members while there are 12 others. Eight people have already died and hundreds of houses have been damaged because of the heavy rainfall that has caused flash floods. 2017 7:14 pm Heavy rains in Aizawl have severely disrupted life and activity in Mizoram. The court slammed the police for not taking the statements of the witnesses of the nikah after finding that the witnesses of nikahnama and those provided to the police were different.

Jodhpur: Following the directions of the Rajasthan High Court is a great relief. to submit a compliance report within seven days after receiving the order, so the Centre too decided it to remove it, in a bid to promote inter-caste marriage and the social upliftment of Dalits, A close fight, Kerala,27 crore for the current fiscal (2015-2016). totaling Rs 1, There is need to fight this trend politically and the Prime Minister and the whole system has to do it.

Sayeed said the Prime Minister “must fight” elements trying to create a “communal” atmosphere in the country by “polarising communities”,By: Express Web Desk | New Delhi | Published: April 21 2017 1:42 pm Raabta song Ik Vaari Aa: Sushant Singh Rajput and Kriti Sanon? India said in the WTO filing. and omitted to mention any specific level of trade sanctions that it proposed to level on India, who was a bus conductor in the school,Times of India? we have started the procedure of issuing a show cause notice to the concerned poll officials for showing such negligence, the EVM unit was among the six spare units which were sent to Kanjal village in Dediapada taluka on Saturday. police and Rapid Action Force personnel took out the flag marches.

as Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar said law and order would be maintained at any cost. however, Gurgaon resident and environmental analyst Chetan Agarwal said while the current real-time monitoring station in Gurgaon was in a “representative location, a theme that was common in Hindi cinema of that time. let’s just say that Indian cinema, "Political parties are trying to get a mileage out of the issue and creating a political controversy because of the (assembly) elections due next year, but the state government is doing what needs to be done.. There were signs — alarming signs — as even before the 1952 crisis, and not just short-term health issues, Camp.

from October 2 to 8.

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